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Portrait of a Kuwaiti Teacher

The English language has already outgrown the “inner circle” of countries where it is used as a mother tongue and is rapidly winning the “outer circle” where it is performing “institutionalized functions” (Kachru & Nelson, 2001, p. 13) or is being employed as a communicative and epistemological tool to cope with educational, managerial, literary, and other cultural tasks. The most recent theme made public is adequate training of English language teaching (ELT) cadres with a special emphasis on the personnel for the “outer” and “expanding” (Kachru & Nelson, 2001, p. 13) socio-linguistic circles.

In regard to the Arabic-speaking Persian Gulf region, it is claimed important “to explore language education policy and planning solutions that are locally based and help maintain and indeed promote Arab-Islamic values” that is made possible by “expanding the hugely important role and contribution of bilingual Arab teachers of English” (Karmani, 2005, p. 101). It seems that a successful marriage of the English and Arab cultures on the site cannot be obtained without qualified educational staff. But what makes an English language teacher successful in meeting professional as well as ethic requirements?

Is it enough to utilise approved teaching methods and appropriate learning resources to be a good teacher, a teacher who moulds the future generations and facilitates their integration to the challenging world? What problems with professional ELT training are caused by the Arab socio-linguistic environment? And why is there a modest corpus of research on the ELT issues in the Persian Gulf countries in general, whereas the state of educational affair in Kuwait, where I was born and educated, still lacks adequate conceptualisation?

In order to identify the key predictors of the effective English learning process within the Kuwaiti educational system, the current project will aim at the future of ELT in Kuwait as perceived by novice teachers. This will be a story of hope and, probably, despair, optimism concerning the quick pace of technological revolution and the English language expansion as a feature of postmodernist globalism and pessimism related to betrayal of local ideology and national identity. The first chapter of the project consists of six sections:

1. The first section will denote the conceptual framework as created by an intersection of globalism and postmodernism with education and the English language. Kuwait is surviving a transition from modernism and localism to postmodern socio-linguistic globalism. The national educational system has responded to the challenge by hurrying to laud the clash of Western and Arab cultures as well by wrapping curricular around the English language as an effective tool of postmodern global communication.

Justification of the trend is yet to be made. 2. The second section will discuss the linguistic dualism existing in Kuwait as captured by Kuwaiti and international researchers. Analysis of the current state of national educational affairs reveals that English is acquiring more and more importance while diversifying the local community into various socio-linguistic strata in terms of language appropriation. In regard to the phenomenon, the issues of use and spread of the English language will be discussed.

3. In the third section will set a panoramic vision of the heterogeneous socio-linguistic and educational canvas in Kuwait with a special emphasis on the issue of professional teacher training and knowledge. It is clear that Kuwait is facing changes at all levels, and the best way to facilitate them is to improve the current educational system. But how to perform the task? The current research suggests asking novice Kuwaiti ELT teachers to answer the question. 4.

The fourth section will formulate the rationale of the study. 5. The fifth section will denote the planned significance and contributions of the research. 6. The chapter will be concluded by research questions. Nature of the problem: Kuwait Learns Living in a Post-Modern Global Context A substantial portion of recent linguistic and educational research discusses postmodernity and globalisation as contextual frameworks for contemporary intellectual and social processes.

The term “globalisation” which has been previously used in a narrow economic sense is being applied now to any process aimed at erasing or making invisible the boundaries between nations so that a single worldwide economic, technological, socio-cultural and political network should be created. A discourse on globalisation inevitably leads to the problem of intercultural communication which is “a cultural encounter that goes beyond the passive and the observational” (Gupta, 2002, p.

159). By emphasising such characteristics of a contemporary civilisation as space- and time-condensing (Gupta, 2003), visuality, contextuality, and power relationships (McLaren, 2002), prevalence of the semiotic over entitative, of the particular over universal, of the discontinuous over consistent, and of the multiple-actor over the single-authority mode (Barsky, 2002), the academia seek to capture the spirit of transience, dynamics and ambivalence that permeates the world today.

The multitude of voices either praising or criticising globalism and associated transformation of nationhood should not be regarded though as a completely unstructured cacophony. Theories of change, chaos and complexity predict that even an ‘incompatible orchestra’ mentioned in the epigraph is able to produce a sense-making melody under control of a skilful conductor. In the current case, the backbone concepts will be Canagarajah’s “postmodern globalization” (Canagarajah, 2006, “Changing communicative needs”), Graddol’s (2006) “linguistic postmodernity,” and Holliday’s (1999) dichotomy of ‘small’ and ‘large’ cultures.

Both ideas referring to postmodernity define the current socio-cultural state of affairs as the process of nations interacting multilaterally across porous boundaries and featuring cultural and linguistic hybridity, heterogeneity and fluidity (Canagarajah, 2006, “Changing communicative needs”); exhibiting complexity and contradictions in their utilisation of languages and ideologies (Graddol, 2006). A discourse over the erosion of nationhood is logically linked to the next issues of whether it is valid to equate the notions of nation and culture which have evolved into hybrid and polyvalent phenomena (Condor, 2006).

Such diversity is better perceived as a continuous data flow between ‘small’ cultures which are defined by Holliday as being formed dynamically by multiple actors who organise themselves into culturally diverse groups “to make sense of and operate meaningfully within [changing] circumstances” (Holliday, 1999, p. 248). From this viewpoint, one and the same nation consists of several culturally diversified micro-communities which have to negotiate values between each other so that to find consensus.

The ‘large’ culture of Kuwait may also be divided into a range of ‘small’ cultures which are products of the country’s history. Once a protectorate of Ottoman Empire and then of Great Britain, Kuwait has been enjoying rapid growth of the country’s prosperity since the late 1930s (when the world’s fifth richest proven oil deposits were discovered there) and independence since 1961 (Clements, 1996; Simons, 1998; Slot, 1991).

If to apply the three-fold periodization of the world’s history (pre-modernity, modernity and postmodernity) to Kuwaiti settings, the former meant tribal conflicts, colonial vassalage, the life mode structured by Islam, and isolationism; the modern age (roughly since the mid-1950s to early 1990s) brought along urbanisation, import of foreign workforce and goods, as well as the growing oil industry; whereas the period upon Iraqi invasion (2 August, 1990 – February 26, 1991) is marked by many controversies.

As Burney and Mohammed (2002) have acknowledged, “Kuwait is unusual because it is a very wealthy country, but the wealth has come about very recently and is tied to oil production” (p. 280). On the one hand, Kuwaitis may be proud of their motherland with population of slightly over 2. 5 million people and a territory of hardly 18 thousand square kilometres has managed to enter the top-ten list of the world’ richest countries (Kuwait, 2007). On the other hand, the quote suggests many tensions which have not still been resolved.

First, more than 50 per cent of people living in Kuwait are non-nationals, therefore, the issues of acculturation and competing ideologies are highly acute. Second, the proportion of arable and fertile land accounts for hardly 1 per cent of Kuwaiti territory which gears the country to the import of products. The dominance of the oil sector which operates by Western business principles makes the national economics rather dependent on non-renewable oil deposits, such neo-capitalist traps as privatisation and economic liberalism, as well as the conflict between Western and Oriental ideologies (democracy vs.

authoritarianism, secularism vs. fundamentalism, etc. ). The list is to be continued. The competing dialogue between the local and borrowed, secular and religious, rooted in the national history and technologically biased phenomena created a situation which is described by Mahgoub (2004) as “rushing’ towards modernization without comprehending its drawbacks” (p. 508). The idea is applicable equally to Kuwait in general and each of its socio-cultural systems specifically.

Let us take the national educational system which synthesised the features of Kuwaiti past, present and future. The country’s traditional “cultural capital,” as Wiseman and Alromi (2003, p. 209) have put it, or a set of culturally appropriate behaviours, values and attitudes, is transmitted through religion and language. Kuwaitis stick to Islam that is the most significant instrument of nation-building. This religion provides a flexible framework for the country’s cultural life since it declares equality, tolerance, and commitment.

It should be noted that Islam has always been a driving force for the national educational system, especially before late 1890s, when trading and governmental sectors used to be supplied with literate personnel by Qur’anic schools or Kuttabs (Al-Darwish, 2006; Clements, 1996; Simons, 1998; Slot, 1991). The kind of literacy taught there was strongly associated with Classical Arabic (CA), was introduced to learners by mullas or mutawas (Islamic preachers), and was restricted by elementary requirements of reading, writing and doing simple calculations.

Gradually, so far as Kuwait started expanding its economic relationships with India, East Africa and Arab-speaking neighbourhood countries, there emerged more complicated and secularly oriented curricular within private schools which comprised knowledge of the English and other languages common for the region, mathematics and geometry, history and geography. The point is that Kuwaiti society acknowledged education as an environment for “children’s socialisation outside the household” (Al-Darwish, 2006, p. 70) and an important media for upbringing both the nation’s intellectual human resource and skilful traders.

A rather ‘closed’ and self-containing system in the past, Kuwaiti educational network has been undergoing significant restructuring in a period between 1936, when the first Council of Knowledge (Majlis Al-Ma’arif) was established, and 1954, when the ‘stage learning’ principle was introduced. Al-Darwish describes the modernised school system (since 2004) as scaffolding from kindergarten establishments (ages 4-6) towards primary school (ages 6-11), intermediate school (ages 11-15) and, finally, secondary school (ages 14-18).

At each stage, a specific curriculum attending to developmental needs is introduced to be assessed in the end of the stage through a series of tests. Education in Kuwait is compulsory up to the intermediate stage, upon finishing which an individual is free to decide whether s(he) will continue learning at school with an aim to enter some higher education establishment, or transit to some industrial or commercial college, or go to work.

Besides state-sponsored learning institutions there are many private schools for both national and foreigners. I am tempted to describe the diversity of education in Kuwait in terms of budgeting, social stratification, curricular, and many other features, but the goals of my own research make me restrict attention to the issue of language attitudes since I am going to concentrate on ELT in Kuwait. The next section will provide a brief account of the issues related to English teaching on the site of interest.

Language attitudes in Kuwait As Eoyang (2003) has wittingly put it, “a language must be earned more than it is learned” (p. 5), and I completely agree with the idea of interrelatedness between language and culture which sounds in the phrase. The ‘cultural capital’ of any nation cannot be fully assessed and employed without close attention to language attitudes which are conceptualised as a complex system of cognitive, affective, and, hypothetically, behavioural components (Akbar, 2007).

To grasp the richness and diversity of language as a socio-cultural resource, we should be aware of a range of useful concepts, including range or what Kachru and Nelson (2001) have described as “the contexts or domains in which English functions,” depth or what is denoted by the same research group as “the extent of use of English in the various levels of society,” “variation” or “hybrids” which are cases of “departure from [linguistic] norm” (Crystal, 2004, p. 55), and so on.

Emergence of this extensive terminological apparatus demonstrates that language stopped being perceived as a homogenous entity and has been linked to the broader socio-economic postmodern and global environment with its accented bilingualism or even multilingualism or the ability to communicate in several languages besides one’s mother tongue. Given that even the hectic nature of postmodern globalism failed to destroy the key role of language as “an identity marker” (Graddol, 2006, p.

20), co-existence of several languages and associated socio-linguistic and cultural paradigms is sending mixed messages. Let is turn back to Kuwait. Al-Darwish (2006) and Akbar (2007) have stressed that the Kuwaiti nation is formed by people of various backgrounds. The country’s official language is Arabic but in reality Kuwaitis adhere not to the single linguistic norm but utilise four language variations – Classical Arabic, CA; Modern Standard Arabic, MSA; Kuwaiti Arabic, KA, and Educated Standard Arabic, ESA – depending on ethnic origin and type of communication.

For example, CA exists in the written mode as “the language of Qur’an, prayers and Arabic literature” (Akbar, 2007, p. 18), whereas MSA is the variety supporting formal learning curricular, KA created the everyday conversational environment, and ESA is the mixture of MSA and KA. Add to this the variable of the English language, and you will observe an even more heterogeneous situation. Kuwaitis started learning the English language in the 19th century to conduct trading operations and perform social and political functions within a colonial framework of relationships between the protectorate (i.

e. Kuwait) and dominion (i. e. Great Britain). As Al-Darwish (2006) has observed, Kuwaitis borrowed mastery in English initially from native speakers who taught at the American Medical Mission school (founded in 1911), then from Palestinian teachers who were recruited by the Kuwaiti Educational Council in a period from 1936 to 1942 to teach the English language in public schools as relying on Oxford University Press text-books.

Introduction of either ‘British English’ or ‘American English’ norms have affected the Kuwaiti national identity so that some people, as Akbar has observed, assert their belonging to either this or that culture as based on sticking to the appropriate norm of the English language. In his turn, Karmani has observed three factors that contributed to the conceptualisation of English in the Persian Gulf Region.

First, English is treated as the language for Specific Purposes (ESP) in the oil-production industry, the so-called Petroleum-English. Second, English fits a “protracted struggle to pacify the political force of ‘Islam’ in order to gain greater access to the region’s vital energy reserves” (Karmani, 2005, p. 88).

Finally, upon the “9/11” attack at the New-York International Trade Centre, the ELT framework cannot escape the implications of English being a political tool to struggle with religious radicalism and Arab nationalism. Additionally, upon Iraqi invasion, many Kuwaitis found themselves in a desperate need to communicate their tragic misfortune to the international community, and those who had to seek protection outside the Arab world arrived at treating English as a survival toolkit to become part of new emigrant environments.

Akbar (2007) recently conducted a series of interviews to find out that contemporary Kuwaitis conceptualise language as an instrument to carry on the seven following functions: (1) a socio-economic media; (2) a symbol for group identity; (3) a means to achieve social and/or political unity; (4) a prism to understand the clash of modernity and authenticity; (5) a marker of continuity of the community’s language; (6) a signifier of “the community’s loss of its battle against the West” (Akbar, 2007, p.

40), and (7) an assessment criterion of linguistic purity, comprehensibility, and speakers’ fluency. The analysis has been conducted in the context of code-switching or “using first language words when negotiating meaning” (Baker, 1996, 281) during a conversation in English. Kuwaitis have been proven to employ code-switching in various circumstances as affected by speakers’ age groups, gender, social status, religion, and ethnic origin.

Whatever are the attitudes of Kuwaiti citizens to the English language, they are forced to learn it since the earliest age. Before 1993, English was taught starting from secondary school all the way to graduation (Al-Yaseen, 2000), but as a result of heated debates in parliament and extensive deliberations in the Ministry of Education the ministerial decree number 61/93 was passed to introduce teaching of the English Language in all primary public schools. The policy outcomes appear to be dubious.

On the one hand, taking into account the social mandate proclaimed for educational establishments in the new millennium so that “to reduce dependence [of the nation] on oil, an exhaustible natural resource, which must gradually be replaced with greater dependence on skill-intensive production within and outside the petroleum sector” (Burney & Mohammed, 2002, p. 277), a better ability to speak English may help Kuwaitis to find jobs in the expanding sectors of tourism, communication, and so on.

On the other hand, such rapid expansion of ELT may undermine traditional values inherited by the national educational system: Islamic values and beliefs, equal distribution of learning resources, and prevalence of academic commitment over academic competency (Wiseman & Alromi, 2003). It is possible to provide all students with the same textbooks and software to master the English language, but it is impossible to equate them in terms of linguistic ability and memory. Some would inevitably leap behind and, therefore, become invisible for the new social and ideological infrastructure.

And here I approach the main question of my interest: whether the current state of educational affairs is capable to mediate the abovementioned menace of classifying Kuwaitis into those who is bilingually potent and those who are not. I argue that nobody can answer this question better than English language teachers. Who are these people who will carry the burden of guiding the nation into the new era lauded by policy makers? Is it enough to update the teaching workforce to avoid the new form of oppression – the oppression by a linguistic principle? And what should be done to make teachers well equipped to fight the challenge?

Changing Teachers – Changing Country? The National curriculum of Kuwait in regard to ELT became recently a target for criticism. As Al-Darwish has states, it is proven to be “narrow and rigid in its rejection of most of the elements of foreign language teaching” (Al-Darwish, 2006, p. 232). It is of high importance that the teachers interviewed by the research were especially dissatisfied with their own professional preparation which failed to ensure that they would cope with rapid technological advancements, a growing body of new methodologies and theories, strategies to negotiate the global and the local, and so forth.

This is what is troubling the minds of not only Kuwaiti teachers but also of professionals all over the world. As Pennycook (2001) laments, “English language teachers … have been poorly served by a body of knowledge that fails to address the cultural and political implications of the spread of English” (p. 86). Bitter rhetoric, nevertheless, should not put us into despair since a wide array of instruments has been recently devised to rescue the situation.

ELT pedagogy reviewed its treatment of the phenomenon presented (the English language) and there is a choir of voices heard which are not only denunciating but also suggesting new methods and approaches. For example, it is proposed to expand the concept of language so that to make use of its ideological and cultural values. In other words, there should be an opportunity to shift “emphases from language as a system to language as social practice, from grammar to pragmatics, from competence to performance” (Canagarajah, 2006, “Changing communicative needs,” p.

234). To proceed with the idea, Pennycook (2001) has argued that, … it is not the structure of English that is important here but the politics of representation. And it is in this locus of struggle over meaning that counter-discourses can be formulated. … as applied linguists and English language teachers we should become political actors engaged in a critical pedagogical project to use English to oppose the dominant discourses of the West and to help the articulation of counter-discourses in English. (pp.

86-87) Furthermore, new strategies are presented to ensure a smoother transition from the colonial duality of “Master English” and local language that was perceived as being of distinctively lower status, or the modernist conception of the English language norm and its worldwide deteriorated imprints towards the new stage of “glocalization” or “global-local dialogue” (Clarke, 2007, p. 583) to capture the multitude and richness of meanings associated with language as a socio-cultural instrument and environment.

Finally, there have been made revisions of the ‘teacher knowledge base’ concept which denoted a set of “the critical areas of knowledge that should be included as professional knowledge in the discipline” (Yates & Muchisky, 2003, pp. 135-136). The aforesaid concept has been expanded so that to enrich the traditional knowledges of contents, methods, and professional ethics with a new critical agenda, “the teacher’s view(s) of what language education is about and what he/she considers teaching to be” (Troudi, 2005, p.

118). It is worth admiring that teachers are stimulated to act not only as conductors of the petrified knowledge but also as active and critically minded researchers. In their travel between competing cultures and knowledges they are free to guide themselves with the “map” referred to by Kumaravadivelu (2007) in his latest book to understand “global cultural consciousness” (p. 7) or a multitude of cultures existing worldwide, each being unique and valuable for the greatest of all human activities – learning.

Rationale of the Study The present futuristic research aims at modeling a development scenario for the linguistic situation in Kuwait regarding English language and its delivery within the national educational framework. As Adoni (1984) has indicated, this format of investigation does not intend “to predict the future”, but is usually employed “to identify and assess possible alternative futures and to examine their implications for different areas of social action” (p.

142). This is a valuable method to identify critical areas before they turn into disaster (Schwartz, Tiege & Harman, 1977, in Van Avery, 1980), to predict the policy dynamics intuitively relying on expertise rather than comment (Helmer, 1978), and to trace effects of policies on institutions and educational systems by comparing specific cases of policy making and analysing possible consequences (Heck, 2004).

Being far from putting forward any univocal predictive statements, the present study will rather look close at the current situation with English Language Teaching (ELT) in Kuwait to locate the critical areas, positive and negative tendencies, and policies in the sphere of interest. The general aim of the investigation will be reached not by merely analysing the meager style of relevant policy-making documents but rather by listening to the voices of those who are being currently involved into professional training to teach English to Kuwaitis within the next 20-30 years.

The reasons for choosing fresh Kuwaiti ELT graduates as the informants are the following: 1. The yesterday student teachers of English represent the generation that will live and work in the future, and they constitute an active force to change the world. 2. The young educators have just been graduated from the school bench, so the concepts, ideas, values and methods related to teacher knowledge and pedagogical theory are still fresh in their mind (Reynolds, Tannenbaum & Rosenfeld, 1992).

Lacking extensive practical experience and, therefore, being non-affected by stereotypes and fatigue of daily professional routine, they are likely to think originally about the ways of applying theoretical rules of thumb to continuously changing practical settings. 3. Public opinion in Kuwait in regard to education has already been formed by academicians and policy-makers (Al-Obaid, 2000; Al-Sharaf, 2006; Burney & Mohammed, 2002; Wiseman & Alromi, 2003) who call for re-organisation and re-structuring of the national system in terms of accountability, curriculum, learning resources and many other factors.

The ‘upward-down’ perspective utilised by many investigators who are not being currently employed as teachers presents the ‘disinterested’ (Lather, 2004) or objectified knowledge which is nonsense in the postmodern world. It is important to give voice to teachers who work in a real-life environment and not only to theorists who are far from the field. 4. Given that the study is visionary and futuristic; novice teachers’ views shaping and guiding it are the research instrument and environment which can be hardly underestimated.

Amidst the boiling turmoil of linguistic postmodern globalism (Canagarajah, 2005, “Dilemmas in planning English,” 2005, “Reclaiming the local,” 2006, “Changing communicative needs,” 2006, “Negotiating the local” ; Crystal, 2004; Eoyang, 2003; Graddol, 2006; Guilherme, 2002; Holliday, 1999; Kachru & Nelson, 2001; Kramsch, 1993; Kumaravadivelu, 2003, 2007; Mair, ed. , 2003; Pennycook, 1994, 2001) it is important to train a critical voice and skill in those professionals who are to observe either a ripeness or collapse of postmodernist and multilingual pedagogy (Cenoz, ed. , 1998; May, 2004; McLaren, 2002).

To summarise, the present study will overview the status quo of ELT and teacher preparation in Kuwait to draw the curve for the probable progression of the English education policy in the country. Judging by the present of affairs, the policy outcomes in the nearest future may appear rather challenging (Al-Darwish, 2006; Al-Obaid, 2000; Al-Sharaf, 2006; Burney & Mohammed, 2002; Wiseman & Alromi, 2003). On the moment, Kuwaitis face the necessity to learn English in kindergarten, while a family of local languages and their varieties seems to be an unwanted guest at the feast of English-oriented curriculum (Akbar, 2007).

What are the projected consequences of such an ambiguous context, in which Arabic speaking individuals are being forced into using English as a primary tool of communication and learning from the tender nail? By the time of entering college they often feel themselves torn between the linguistic environment of the local community and the academic environment (McLaren, 2002; Pennycook, 1994). All the major sciences at Kuwait University, which is responsible for preparing the main part of the teaching workforce, are being taught in English (Al-Darwish, 2006). An array of hot questions is emerging upon observing this scene:

• Is it normal for the future academia that has its own national language of Arabic to immerse so extensively into a different language? • Do future teachers think of this linguistic situation as dubious and contradictory or consider it standard and non-critical? • What will be the ELT scene in Kuwait within the next several decades, should the policy of ousting Arabic by as English as an instrument for training future teachers preserves • How do present teacher trainees envision the realities of their profession in the future, given the increasing cleavage of their linguistic integrity

The preliminary projections range from the pessimistic to the optimistic pole. One possible futuristic strand to this type of policy is driving at the marginalization of Arabic language in Kuwait (Akbar, 2007; Karmani, 2005). Another hypothesized strand is that Kuwaitis will keep using mother tongue and English language alternatively in various linguistic situations (Akbar, 2007; Clarke, 2007). One more scenario suggests a completely new mode of language usage, in which the boundaries between Arabic and English will be stirred or modified so that to depart from the very concepts of “primary”, “secondary”, or “foreign” languages.

The hypothesis about synthesis is supported by a substantial body of research (Crystal, 2004; Canagarajah, 2005, “Dilemmas in planning English,” 2005, “Reclaiming the local,” 2006, “Changing communicative needs,” 2006, “Negotiating the local”; Graddol, 2006; Kumaravadivelu, 2003, 2007; Clarke, 2007) which argues that a “foreign” language (in sense defined by Canagarajah), in our case this is English, “hopefully not” kill the mother tongue, here being Arabic, in the contemporary environment.

What scenario will appear to be the most valid? What factors will affect the choice of the linguistic and teacher education policies in Kuwait? This is naive and unrealistic to call for completely abandoning English as a media for communication and learning in the Arabic speaking context. It is also unwise to unquestionably accept the dominance of English without assessing the negative consequences of this step.

It seems that the Kuwaiti professional community of ELT teachers will be likely to practice in ‘appropriating English’, as Canagrajah (2006, “Changing communicative needs”) has put it, and applying a pragmatic view of using English that is similar to the one described by Graddol (2006). There is no other better way to answer these challenging questions than ask future Kuwaiti teachers to reflect over the critical issues. It is emphasized here that the present research is anything else except the single-lens attempt to design a precise prediction for the futuristic English language teaching in Kuwait.

It is rather an effort to identify the most critical areas in the sphere as viewed by perspective teachers and to stimulate these future educators to step into debate. The ELT problem in Kuwait can be resolved by not merely answering the emerging questions but rather by raising awareness of the issue. Therefore, the strategic goal of the current investigation will be preparing the ground for introducing a means that would encourage Kuwaiti teachers to think critically of their today and tomorrow environment.

The researcher is stressing that the knowledge of the Politics associated with English should no longer be absent from the English teacher preparation curriculum in Kuwait and other countries of the ‘outer’ circle. The experience derived from the attempts to change the linguistic situation in Malaysia, Tunisia, Iceland, Israel and Syria (Eoyang, 2003; Graddol, 2006; Kachru & Nelson, eds. 2001; Kumaravadivelu, 2007; Pennycook, 1994; 2001) has shown that the worst strategy is blindingly following the deliberate ‘globalisation’ movement

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