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Post-Zionism is driven by external demands and lacks the intrinsic derivatives necessary for enhancing peace and effective coexistence. This has possibly been due to the intrinsic historical dragging caution coupled with expanding shenanigan that sees the external parties drive the pertinent activities of the region like war and boarder disputes. However, most of post-Zionists will strongly differ with my stand in that they see the region as a factor of the presently uprising economic global integration demands especially economically.

Though controversy has reigned for long over the most effective description of post-Zionism, this paper takes the term to mean the current critical and problematic Zionist discourse and the historical narration as well as the social cultural effects that it produced. It includes the modern state of Israel, its leadership, its relation with the neighbors in the region, the international operations of Israel and the region, and the general progress in the recent past. Notably, post-Zionist is fully contradiction. Overview of the paper

Taking a different stand from most post-Zionists who view the region from a Globalization and economic point of view to explain the present status of Israel and the region, the paper explores the historical progress of the country with reference to major occurrences. Taking into consideration the volatile nature of the region since historical times, the paper evaluates the major push factors that have made the region to be bound by recurrent instability even after international interventions to solve the conflicts.

To address these issues, this paper gives special reference to Ephraim Nimmi’s book β€œThe challenge of post Zionism. ” Finally, the paper gives effective recommendations that are necessarily in enhancing better growth and performance of the country and the whole region. Historical background of Israel and Zionism Zionism is cited to be very old but operated in different forms where the Jews were in constant conflicts with most of their neighbors. Since the biblical promise of Canaan by God to Abram, the quest for this land has been the main center of controversy.

However, it was not until 1948 when the state of the Jews was created that Zionists movement acted to support Israel drastically to restore its sanctity and integrity for existence. Notably, this settling of Israel and strong support economically, socially, technologically and politically was not appreciated by the historically based enemies in the region. This enmity brooded missive conflicts between the Jews and Arabs, Muslims and the Jews, and the later seemingly combined efforts to defeat the common enemy (Israel).

Post Zionism was born during from the Israel Palestinian conflicts at the end of the cold war where ethnic, national, and international conflicts broke into a long term hegemony that persists to date (Nimmi, 75-78). Though many analysts have indicated the overall need to enhance intrinsic cooperation in the region, it seems that the intrinsic desire from the region is totally non existent. The peace processes have been imposed to Israel externally

Over the years most of the peace to resolve the conflicts have been borne externally and often lacked the local impetus that would assist in making the process long lasting and therefore more effective. After the fall of the Soviet, it was US that pushed the deal to bring Israel to the negotiating table with its conflicting neighbors. As part of the agreement, US $ 10 billion was given to Israel for rebuilding the country. Notably, Israel was a major beneficiary of the communism fall as it got out of the prior isolation regime that had been enforced by the soviet due to its great support for the Arab states.

However, it was a major loss to the Arabs as their center post support sank and became unable to support them. During the Gulf war of 190-1991, it was the awakening of the Arab solidarity that made the US to seek peace agreements between the hostile region of Israel and Jordan with the latter breaking ties with Iraq to side with the global super power. The agreement was therefore simplistic and the two countries gave way for the rising demand for growth and development. To add to that, the earlier agreement of the third/ fourth stage between Israel and Egypt was brokered by US after the decline of the USSR.

Therefore, pressure and logistics from the international community were aimed at the restoring the region stability since it was the key icon in maximizing the benefits from the region. President Netanyahu, Shamir, and Sharon saw little need for hastened peace between them and their neighbors. To add to that, the recent change in the public opinions and voting trends towards solidarity and demands for security without compromise indicate their intrinsic affiliation and hardness of the souls (Nimmi, 86).

It has been projected to take much longer before the major opposing sides are able to agree on themselves and establish a lasting solution. Vague oversight of the benefits that Israel would make by getting to peace with the Arab neighbors Since the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, the country experienced a total separation from all of her neighbors. To add to that, bulk of the economic benefits that have seen the post-Zionism era dip into greater confusion were borne in 1990s. However, it has become clear that non of these Israel’s benefits came from the Arab countries (Nimmi, 87-88).

Indeed, many of the Arab countries were in for a rude shock from the fall of the Soviet a major advantage to Israel. Therefore, Israel has developed with external support especially from the US and the EU with whom it also conducts most of its trade with. Nimmi (88-89) continues to say that the poorer third world countries have very little to offer the highly industrialized country either in terms of marker or technology. Therefore, the country sees more potential of enhancing trade with much far countries as opposed to her neighbors.

The concept of separating Israel by indicating that they are there and we are here’ have long been strongly held. Therefore, with none of the protagonists seeing the need for advancing closer to the other and Israel being used to the external market where its goods are in high demand, it is much unlikely that lasting peace will be achieved in the region any soon. The growing need for peace do not indicate the need to forgo the Jewish ideals Whereas many economists have been arguing that the current changes in Israel are direct pointers of end to Zionism, they most likely may have gotten it wrong.

Many of the reasons for Israel to give some of the territories are compromises as opposed to overall change in the holistic ideology. The latter move is aimed at boosting the demographic ratio of Jews to Arabs, accept compensation of the refugees and allow full nationality to Arab citizens (Nimmi, 89-92). The move will also make Israel secular and promote greater levels of democracy. To ad to that, the current international pressures on Israel to allow creation of distinct boarders will cerate more isolationism of Israel and give a fulcrum for revolution of Zionism as opposed to its end.

Counter arguments Over the years, Globalization and demand for economic development has become the key icon for setting regional and international progress. Therefore, it must be appreciated that sooner than later, the forces of the market will overtake the general countries’ strong stand for economic gains. Notably, most of the EU and ASEAN members were locked in war for many years. However, such countries like Germany and Great Britain are some of the best trading partners in the union. Besides, China and Vietnam have effective relationship courtesy of trade between them.

This indicates the high possibility of major compromises in the local policies and ideologies. To add to that, conflicts are strongly retrogressive as they not only abstract the major progress but deviate the necessary resources to address the major effects of war a notion that can be avoided much more cheaply (Nimmi, 73-78). Conclusion Article analysis Ephraim Nimmi presents a totally opposing view to those presented by economic post-Zionist school. He indicates his view with clear historical derivation that clearly edges out the effectiveness of Israel to remain separate as indicated by the country’s management.

From the article, it is clear that since inception, little have changed the view of the Zionists for the traditional demands with regard to the Promised Land. Outlining the international forces that brought Israel to sit in its current position, the local states is generally noncommittal a system that may make peace in the region to take longer. However, Nimmi fails to acknowledge the overall powerful impacts of economic orientation which has the ability to make the above region soften their hard lines with speed.

By emphasizing on the carry forward of the Zionism ideals, he overlooks the emergent global culture especially for the young people and the total death of the traditional ideals. It is just a matter of time before both sides are involved in harmonic cultural and social orientations that brings them together and making some of the earlier hard lines issues of the past. Work cited page Ephraim, Nimni, The challenge of Post-Zionism: alternatives to Israeli fundamentalist politics.

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